Thursday, 9 January 2014

Adams Oshiomole, the Widow and the Blackmail of Poverty in Nigeria



Adams Oshiomole, the Widow and the Blackmail of Poverty in Nigeria
Gov Adams Aliyu Oshiomole has been in the news for days now for the wrong reasons. In a video that went viral, he was seen excoriating a woman in very angry and unkind words. Apparently on an inspection tour round Benin City, the Gov came across this woman trading by the roadside with her wares right on the road, thus blocking the road. He tried to talk to her to get off the road to allow for free flow of traffic but she pleaded with him to be allowed as that was the only means of livelihood for her and her family and, in a bid to make her case more pitiable, she mentioned the fact that she is a widow. The governor flipped and went gaga. Nigerians were not in the least happy with the big man for such levels insensitivity, especially in the light of the fact that this woman is a struggling widow who, like many other poor Nigerians, and women in particular, is working hard to eke out a living in a country that has sentenced its common man to a life of privation and indignity amidst plenty. The PDP, in Edo State, saw the situation as perfect opportunity to make political capital and went right ahead to lampoon the governor and even offer the woman a “whooping” sum of N250,000.00 to help her; thus we saw headlines like “PDP Rescues Oshiomole’s Widow!”
The governor has since realised his slip and apologised to the poor widow for addressing her in the manner he did and infact went ahead to also “rescue” her with a dash of N2,000,000.00 along with an offer of scholarship for her son. I guess many other poor Nigerians would wish they had the “fortune” of being so insulted by a governor.
But, barring Gov Oshiomole’s choice of words in addressing the poor widow, let us look at the matter more closely. Nigeria is a country with a crying need to move forward. The truth is that most of her citizens live in sub-human conditions. Another truth is that successive governments at all levels have not been seen to have sufficiently worked to lift the living standards of the majority of people in the country. What efforts we see might at best be construed to be rather tokenistic  and self-serving, for one sees one seeming good here and many bads there, and without real and true effort to bring such bads to book for the country to march forward for the common good. Inspite of all of these, one occasionally sees persons in power come forth with some modicum of good intention backed with action; we have seen some governors in this tiny league. If one considers the ten years or so years of governance in Edo State prior to the coming of Oshiomole and his Labour Party, now APC, one cannot but add him into this league. The fact is that such leaders, when they come into office and want to make meaningful good for all, they encounter stiff challenges not just from political opponents and cabals who have benefitted from the corridors of power at the expense of the generality of the people and would no longer have access to such benefits, but also from the very common people for whom such leaders seek to work. Indeed because of successive regimes of plunder and prebendalism, such common people have been consigned to reprehensible living and indignity, as mentioned earlier, and they do not think or imagine any better alternative. They are comfortable living like animals, without any mental and emotional incentive to strive for the better. This situation profits the plunderers who know better but want to keep on with business as usual.
Therefore when such few leaders want to do good, feathers, even of the poor must be ruffled. Business would not continue as usual and before one realizes, such a leader is accused of being wicked to the common man. You hear such comments like “ya hana mu cin abinci”, as they say in Hausa to mean he has denied us of livelihood. Warts and all, no one can take it from people like Nasir El-Rufai in the FCT, Babatunde Fashola in Lagos, and Rabiu Kwankwaso in Kano; these persons have had to “deny” a few of their livelihood for the common good and that is why their respective domains under them began to take shape. Mind you it is not a matter of the party that such persons belong or belonged to.
Poverty has always been used to blackmail potentially good leadership in this country and because many leaders have sought political self-preservation, they have caved in and today, even though they managed to retain their positions, they are insulted for non-performance. Only recently, a certain state government mulled over the policy of banning the use of motor-cycles, popularly known as Okada or Achaba, for public transportation in its major cities because of the security risk they have come to be, the public safety threat they have amounted to, and the nuisance they have become. The moment the information went public, the state government was practically harassed in the name of poverty and lack of jobs for youths. That is despite the fact that most of those Achaba riders did not have concrete addresses in the city because they are hustlers from neighbouring states and beyond, and also hordes that thronged from other states where they had been expelled. It is also despite the fact the fact that this state government made a very commendable modest effort to provide alternatives by giving out a good number of tricycles to its citizens to kick-start the process of the transition hoped for. The government caved it just so as not to be seen as insensitive. This government is now being harangued as non-performing inspite of the fact that the chief executive appears very well intentioned.
Such is the blackmail of poverty. Infact, on an individual note, simply because you are riding in a car, a bikeman will hit you headlong, damage your car and you will still be expected to pay his hospital bills and fix his bike if not buy him a new one. We can no longer move on our streets comfortably because people have abandoned the market stalls and set shop right in the middle of our roads; all because they say they are poor and want to make a living. On this note, one can understand Gov Oshiomole’s indignation, even though expressed a little over-board. The fact remains that if our leaders must perform, they may necessarily have to commit political suicide.
In the end, you cannot make omelette without breaking eggs, as they say. If we want a better society, then we must be ready to do the right thing and stop running on hormones. Did Jesus not say “unless a wheat grain falls to the ground and dies, it remains but a single grain”?



(Published on BLUEPRINT Newspaper, Thursday Dec 5, 2013)

Oil and Gas Exploration in the North: Playing with Fire!



Oil and Gas Exploration in the North: Playing with Fire!
On September 12, 2013, while announcing the postponement of an earlier proposed inaugural meeting of the Association of Inland Basin States on Hydro-carbon deposit to discuss oil and gas exploration in northern Nigeria, the chairman of the Northern States Governors Forum (NSGF), Gov Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu of Niger State, through his spokesman, Danladi Ndayebo, expressed the Forum’s support to the ongoing efforts by the federal government to explore oil in the sedimentary basin of Northern Nigeria. In the past, however, the New Nigerian Development Company (NNDC) had complained that there was little progress in oil exploration in northern Nigeria due to lack of interest by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation and the multinational oil companies involved in the project. NNDC is owned by the 19 northern states and is involved in the project on behalf of the States.
Earlier this week, there was a meeting in Zamfara State to move the process of oil and gas exploration in the region forward. Of course in the light of events in the past few years in Nigeria, the renewed eagerness to begin such exploration in northern Nigeria is understandable. The Niger-Delta people have minced no words in telling the north that it is a parasite, feeding fat on “the former’s resources” and not wanting to let go. Indeed such aspersions have intensified with deepening contestations in the political arena around the oncoming elections in 2015. Infact the Niger-Deltans tell whoever cares to listen that they feed Nigeria and if things don’t go their way, they will waste no time in teaching her a painful lesson.
It is only natural that many a northerner, like the Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu, feels humiliated and so prove to these South-Southerners that “we too have this oil and even more… solid minerals!”  Infact a certain gentleman recently spewed spleen on a local radio in Kaduna after the President announced, on October 1, the take-off of the confab process, which, by the way, many in the north suspect to be a political ploy to intimidate her with secession. He said if anybody wants the country split, then so be it; the north is prepared and will infact be better off. He went on to mention the many resources in the region and make, rather hyperbolically, reference to the immense gold deposits that span from Kontagora to Gusau and most, if not all, parts of Zamfara State.
There is absolutely no problem with a people being irritated at being put down all the time and wanting to rid themselves of the insult; infact it is an honourable thing to do. But for a people to want to build an economic base on natural resources in the 21st century, which is an age of knowledge, is nothing short of a tragedy. It is even more so when one considers the story of Nigeria and oil – the Niger-Delta, particularly – in the last fifty or so odd years. It has been a story of tears and blood. There is nowhere in the global south that petroleum, and any other natural resource for that matter, has been explored and exploited that such activities have not left tears and blood in their trail. They have always served to fuel wars and more wars. The Niger-Delta crisis is direct fallout of such reality; infact Nigeria is extremely lucky that, so far, the situation has not conflagrated beyond what has obtained so far. Even so, given the unfolding of events, with all the undercurrents, and the kind of political class that this country has been afflicted with, only the merciful God will save Nigeria and Nigerians post-2015 elections.
The concept of resource curse is not new to any serious person, so the presumption is that Gov Babangida Aliyu and other northern leaders and nationalists know. We have seen the role that diamond played in the civil wars in Sierra-Leone and Liberia. We have seen the role of gold in the ongoing wars in Central Africa: the DRC, the Central African Republic, Uganda and others. The records are there for everyone to look into on the struggles and travails of South America in the 60s and 70s as a result of the “blessings” of petroleum and other such natural resources. The Middle East is in turmoil today. Do these leaders of Northern Nigeria not also see the “hand” of oil in the orgy?
Clearly, the exploration and exploitation of such resources as petroleum and solid minerals can only be beneficial to a society in the event of the existence of sound institutions and a reasonably enlightened population. That is why it is easy to see how it is only countries like Norway that have been truly blessed by them. If anything that resembles sound institutions exists in Nigeria, then it surely is not in northern Nigeria. Even the famed traditional institution is in trouble, much less the public service and the financial. It is no secret that in most northern states, civil servants go to work very late and close as they go for the Dhuhr prayer. To go into oil and gas or solid mineral exploration under these circumstances is death sentence on the common man. Even with the minimal exploration of gold in Zamfara State as of present, see the number of people dying or maimed as a result of lead poisoning.
Should northern Nigeria not be talking about strategies to grow more productive economies in the region? Should the leaders not be talking about educating the population to be able to be competitive in the 21st century? Should they not be talking about the impact of climate change that is further deepening disaffection, between ethnic groups and communities, which manifests in the widespread killings and counter-killings between herdsmen and settled crop-farming communities? Should they not be talking about how to strengthen institutions so as to support growth, development and investment? Should they not be assiduously talking about how to institute a regime of the justice, equity and the rule of law? If you ask me, I will conclude that, apart from those who probably are unaware of the implications of such endeavours on societies such as ours, many of those clamouring for oil and gas exploration in northern Nigeria are those that have enjoyed easy oil money and Niger-Delta has become stiffer, therefore, they want to continue to enjoy such cheap monies from the resources in the north. The only way out for the north to enthrone hardwork as her economic credo; if not, as they say, “Awoof dey run belle!”

(Published on BLUEPRINT Newspaper, Thursday Nov 28, 2013)

The Community-Based Paralegal in the Dispensation of Justice to the Poor



The Community-Based Paralegal in the Dispensation of Justice to the Poor
No doubt, justice is critical to peace. A society that treats the dispensation of justice to its members with levity effectively sits on a tinderbox. Justice, of whatever shade, delivered and seen to be delivered builds confidence amongst the citizenry and makes it want to take part in the task of nation building. The absence of justice, on the other hand, sends citizens into sectarian trenches and what we see in Nigeria today is largely attributable to the absence of a regime of justice, equity and the rule of law.
The inability of common people to access justice in a society like ours, barring the tortuous legal system with all its imperfections, largely lies in two provinces, namely, ignorance and poverty. Leadership in Nigeria and the system generally have appeared to have taken undue advantage of these factors to exploit the populace instead of recognising the sacredness of their domain to uplift society; such would be, by educating the generality of the people on their basic rights and supporting them to be able to access justice at little or no cost.
The extant organ of state, the Legal Aid Council of Nigeria (LACON), has been at this lately in a manner as never before, through her project, Access to Justice for the Poor. Apart from sensitizing and training community gatekeepers to be part of quest to dispense justice to the indigent, selected individuals are being trained as community-based paralegals to support the process.
The UK Institute of Paralegals defines the paralegal as “a person who qualifies through education and training to perform substantive legal work that requires knowledge of the law and procedures and who is not a qualified solicitor or barrister”. In 1984, the US National Association of Legal Assistants defined Legal Assistants (Paralegals) as “a distinguishable group of persons who assist attorneys in the delivery of legal services. Through formal education, training, and experience, legal assistants have knowledge and expertise regarding the legal system and substantive and procedural law which qualify them to do work of a legal nature under the supervision of an attorney”. The paralegals, though not qualified lawyers, require working knowledge of the law and all the works to be effective and efficient in their duties. They cannot take the place of lawyers but they work diligently behind the scenes for lawyers, carrying out the task they have been assigned in various roles.
Within the context of giving the poor access to justice in Nigeria, Adhinc Integrated Services ltd., a professional study centre in Nigeria, submits that the paralegal plays the major role of a community support worker. Such a person will be working with disadvantaged groups in the community, most of whom are poor, rural based and with little or no education. Such band of paralegals, being raised at community levels under this project, will have a duty to empower their service users by providing them with information, such as the fact that they do have recourse to the law. The service users then become confident and are able to approach the police and the law courts as well as seek legal advice as a matter of right. The paralegals become signposts to direct clients not only to lawyers, but also to a myriad of agencies, organisations and NGOs that will give them the necessary assistance to resolve their problems.
These paralegals will also serve to support lawyers in the provision of legal aid by taking detailed notes, interviewing and investigating the facts in a matter, accompanying parties to court to offer moral support, as well as making sure that parties know what is expected of them if they do have to go to court. They are a people whose integrity must be above board if folks in communities must trust and confide in them.
The Access to Justice for the Poor Project, as stated earlier, also works with and through community gatekeepers such as traditional and religious leader, some of whom have undergone training in best practices in Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) at which they were exposed to the fundamental rights of individuals and skills in managing people. This is in a bid to strengthen their capacity as trusted arbitrators amongst their subjects and be seen to be fair in their interventions. The aim is that these gatekeepers are able to handle matters that are civil in nature, thereby preventing such from getting to the police who turn such matters criminal and get courts to keep persons needlessly in prison custody without trial. With the help, also, of its legal clinics, the project is able to offer free legal services  to persons in need by way of advice and representation where the need arises.
In the light of the enormity of work before it in provision of free legal services in general to Nigerians, the LACON is rather lean and could do with many more community based structures to support it in the delivery of its mandate. Moreover, this particular scheme ongoing in Kaduna State is a World Bank project supported by the Japanese government. There appears a yawning need for the federal government to allocate more funds to expand such a scheme and across many more states of the federation. State governments too must commit to supporting, at least within their respective states, the work of the LACON in the dispensation of justice especially to the poor. Government at all levels needs to cut down on the number of disgruntled persons in the society as a result failure of, miscarriage of, and snail-speed justice. Corporate organisations, private and public, local and multinational, should also begin to partner such agencies as the LACON in the provision of free legal services and to see supporting such schemes as raising an army of paralegals at the community level to support in providing access to justice for the indigent as a corporate social responsibility, capable of going a long way in creating a more stable environment for the smooth-running of their businesses.
 

(Published on BLUEPRINT Newspaper, Thursday Nov 21, 2013)

Rethinking this Review of the Constitution



Rethinking this Review of the Constitution
Before October 1, 2013, there were probably three big issues that Nigerians concerned themselves about. The first, which also became and still is a best seller for the media, was the crisis within the PDP regarding the possible ambition of President Goodluck Jonathan to run for president in 2015. This, though a PDP affair, has the capacity to conflagrate the nation as happened in 2011 after the general elections if not well managed by the party. The second issue was how the Nigerian Armed Forces were faring in the nation’s campaign against the Jama’atul ahlus Sunna Lidda’awati wal Jihad (JASLIWAJ), more commonly known as Boko Haram, insurrection and how the amnesty committee and every other thing about that matter would pan out and hopefully resolve so that the nation might move forward. The third was the ongoing constitutional review process, which, sadly, already seemed to be veering off the radar of public discourse and vigilance. The Independence Day address to the nation by President Jonathan, with his foray into the path of a national confab, has however further relegated the last two, which are far more important to our nationhood journey, to the background.
Almost six weeks after October 1, the nation seems unsure whether it is carrying on with issues of the review of the constitution, which, depending on the outcome of consultations with the Nigerian peoples by the confab committee, might just end up being a futile exercise. We must however not fail to keep our eyes on the ball. A political structure that is right and takes into cognizance the diverse Nigerian realities is the only template upon which a virile nation could be built and it is the right constitution that can guarantee such a template. While there may be merit in holding a confab, the real issues, which boil down to the right framework to engender justice and equity and therefore good governance for prosperity, can infact be satisfactorily hammered out in the national assembly with serious commitment of members, without having to waste resources on a confab that will finally be subject to further “discussions” and ratification by the same Assembly.
However, the sort of things that we have seen the NASS concern itself with in the review process have, to say the least, not been encouraging if it must be trusted to midwife for the nation the kind of constitution desired. Issues such as the powers that reside at the centre need to be looked into more seriously. The contentions that we have seen and are still seeing, as with the crisis in the PDP and its impact on the generality of the masses along sectarian lines, as to who should occupy the Asso Rock Villa or whose turn it is only serve to underscore how people think rather erroneously that if someone from their part of the country is president, their lot will be better. The facts so far have proven to the contrary, yet many fail to see.
The reality is that more powers have to be devolved to the lower tiers of government. Such big government at the centre as we have had has not proven helpful to Nigeria. A lot of the provisions, for instance, in the exclusive list of the federal government no longer have, or have never had, any business being there. Merely discussing some of them at that level provides fuel for the lethal combustion that has become the lot of this country. A typical example is what turned out to be a debate on the marriageable age for the girl child, in August. The kind of emotions that went into the outcome of the senate resolution was both sad and laughable. That period, a friend shared with me a video of the ace Nollywood actress, Stella Damasus, in which she spews spleen on the issue of child/underage marriage in response to the senate’s earlier vote on a related matter and other, probably much more, important matters. That Stella’s video went viral in the cyberspace – at least in Nigeria – as also many other reactions on the subject, which ended up resting the blame squarely on Senator Ahmad Sani Yerima and the 34 other senators who denied the senate a two-thirds majority on the “generic” matter, which really is about the definition of the age of reason.
The reactions we saw sadly only served to add wind to Ahmad Sani’s religion powered political sails. He has never failed to take advantage of such occasions to accrue relevance to himself even as his political records, both as a governor and a senator so far, have not demonstrated sufficient congruity with justice and equity as taught in Islam, the very religion he has sought to defend, if not advance. Yet also, the reactions served as a pointer to the fact that the lenses with which people view things across Nigeria is are different very much due to the diverse socio-cultural realities. Therefore, if more powers are devolved to lower levels of government, an issue such as this would not generate this much angst; for then a Stella Damasus, who is an Igbo woman from the South-East and a Christian, would not have reason to lampoon an Ahmad Sani Yerima over a position he takes guided by his faith, which must be protected by the state in the light of his right to religious freedom. We will then have a situation whereby such matters are debated upon at the levels of, say, the different State. The Zamfara people will talk to each other and the Ulama and other scholars of their religion will debate and juxtapose the realities of children and the girl child in their state with the provisions of Islam, their major religion, within the context of Islamic permissibility or otherwise. All the Stellas may end up surprised that Zamfara pegs its age at twenty-one or even more whereas in their own states, they end up with eighteen or even a little less. It is all about the fact that Nigerians tend to close up to reason once it is “the other person that is advancing it”: it suddenly gets over politicised!
We should, as a nation, also think about lists in our constitution which could be exclusive to lower levels of government. What obtains now in the constitution is an exclusive list only to the federal government; a concurrent list upon which the FG makes laws and the states may also make, provided such state made laws do not go against those of the FG; and of course the residual list which bears those areas not covered in the other two. A tricky situation could be to determine what goes into, say, the recurrent list. An example from a resolution of the Senate in the ongoing review will suffice here. The Senate voted to remove the provision on minimum wage from the exclusive list to the concurrent. This will mean that the FG may peg the minimum wage at N18,000.00 and other states may make their provisions on minimum wage provided such do not fall below the FG’s N18,000.00. One cannot say whether this move of the Senate was in good fate or just to give Nigerians something to yell about and to show that they are working; but it is easy to see that moving such an item to the concurrent list adds no value to the constitution if the states cannot, in the light of their respective economic realities, be able to peg wages at a level they can handle and which can give them a competitive edge to attract investment. Wages might have well remained on the exclusive list of the FG. By the way a serious constitution need not have such details on wages enshrined in it: such could be legislated upon by an act of the legislature.
The bottom line of this discourse is that our National Assembly should be seen to more rigorously engage the real issues, and not chasing shadows, even as the constitutional review process has not been decidedly rested with a view to providing the right structure upon which this nation can trudge on as a united and happy one. With the precipitous state of the nation, the urgency must not be lost on the member. They must desire to bequeath a better nation to posterity.

(Published on BLUEPRINT Newspaper, Thursday Nov 14, 2013)