Monday 21 December 2015

Shiite-Army Clash: Can Muslims Really Stand a Pluralist State



Shiite-Army Clash: Can Muslims Really Stand a Pluralist State
Last weekend was another sad day in our national life. The army clashed with Shiites in Zaria and the outcome was catastrophic and gruesome. To this moment, the number of dead is yet to be precisely declared: while it has been reported that about ninety corpses have been deposited at the ABU Teaching Hospital morgue, the Shiite sect is claiming that well over a thousand of its members have been killed. They have found a mouthpiece in the Iranian state medium, Press TV.
No doubt, human rights groups are already blaring from rooftops over what is clearly heavy-handedness by the army in response to the impudence to the Nigerian state and the flagrant disregard for the right of space of fellow Nigerians as exhibited by the Shiites to the nation’s Chief of Army Staff (COAS), Gen Tukur Buratai, who was on official assignment in Zaria on that fateful Saturday. Given the level casualty, both human and property, inflicted on the group, one finds it hard to reason that it was impossible for the army to have responded in the proportion they did.
Clearly, what the Shiites did was an act of provocation, and one dares to say, against the Nigerian state. This was not the first time. They did the same thing to the former governor of Kaduna State, Dr Ramallan Yero earlier this year: maybe because it was electioneering period, he thought it wiser not to assert his executive might and, therefore, chaos was averted. They did it last year to a Commander of one of the army formations in Zaria, when they came out to demonstrate in solidarity with the Palestinians that July, and it ended it the death of a few of their members including three children of their leader in Nigeria, Sheikh Ibrahim El-Zakzaky.
The fact is that anyone that has lived in Zaria in the last thirty-five or so odd years knows that the sect has constituted itself into a state unto itself, with El-Zakzaky as its leader. Whenever they want to do anything, it never matters if any other Nigerian citizen is there or not, they pretty much go ahead and do it without recourse to the Nigerian state and the laid down procedure of doing such things. They will never seek any pass from the police to embark on a rally or a procession. They will never even require police protection for such event – the presence of which would have resolved this initial impasse with the COAS – because they have their own policing and military systems. At such times, any area they will be using or passing through will literally be under fierce, if not vicious, lockdown to other citizens by their security arm.
To non-Muslims, as a result of exasperation with such state of affairs, it would appear that Muslims cannot just be comfortable in a plural and secular society without agitating to have it only their way, the Shariah way. For non-Muslims, the fact that such agitations arise from a sect of Islam, usually fringe, ceases to matter, especially when sects of different Islamic persuasions have at one time or the other agitated for similar conditions, one way or the other.
The first religious group to run a parallel state in Nigeria since independence was the Maitatsine sect, which operated from the 1960s until the early 1980s when it was subdued and routed finally – hopefully – by the Shagari regime. It was a bloody experience. Maitatsine was from a Sunni background and he was out to establish an Islamic state of his vision.
The second group was the Shiites – now on the front-burner – under the name Islamic Movement of Nigeria and the leadership of El-Zakzaky, since the 1980s. One remembers one’s earliest encounters with them in skirmishes spilling into neighbourhoods from the Kaduna Polytechnic.
The third group to defy the Nigerian state and establish a parallel government is of course the Jama’atul Ahlus Sunna Lidda’awati wal Jihad, popularly known as Boko Haram, since the turn of the millennium. They are of the Sunni background, with the same vision of establishing a state based on Shariah. Nigeria is still at war with this group which has proven very determined and never relenting in their means.
Aside from these occurrences, non-Muslims bear in mind the agitation for Shariah by Muslims at the beginning of the fourth republic which resulted in bloodletting across northern Nigeria and has put in jeopardy the prospects of forging a veritable nation-state that is plural and happy. Add to all that, events outside Nigeria by sects of different persuasions in Islam in same directions, such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria, Egypt, Yemen and so on, contribute to foster such suspicious thoughts among non-Muslims, regardless of what anyone may offer as root causes.
Muslims have risen very strongly against what they consider Islamophobia, but events such as we have seen in Nigeria, and elsewhere, executed in the name of Islam with “Allahu Akbar” on the lips have not helped Muslims and Islam.
Other Nigerians cannot be blamed for wondering if Muslims can live with them in a plural society as citizens and equals.
 

BLUEPRINT Newspaper; Thur Dec. 17, 2015

Kogi and the Worst of Us



Kogi and the Worst of Us
Once again the worst of us could be on brazen display. Our collective sense of socio-ethnic – and perhaps even religious – charity, magnanimity and human solidarity is on trial.
The events of the last weekend in Kogi State are no longer news. Kogites cast their votes in a keenly contested election and while the results are being collated, the major challenger for the position of governor who is apparently coasting to victory, APC’s Prince Abubakar Audu, suddenly dies of heart attack. Many tongues have wagged with theories regarding the circumstances and real cause of the demise but that is immaterial as most of the theories are outside the province of material reason.
The interesting fallout of Prince Audu’s death, however, is how the election, which has been declared inconclusive and now with the man dead, will move on to its logical end – yes, logical end.
And, what is logical end in this scenario which is proving another tough test to our constitution and the relevant laws? The lawyers have been jaw-jawing on the technicalities and subtleties since the outbreak of the news up until now. Some have said that the thing to do is to get Audu’s running mate, Mr. Abiodun Faleke, to step up and finish contest and, if he wins, become governor. Some have argued to the contrary, like the Attorney General of the Federation who has submitted that the APC may bring in another candidate to finish up the contest, citing section 33 of the Electoral Act as amended. INEC, following the counsel of the chief law officer of the federation, has already requested the Kogi APC to act accordingly.
However, the real knot, if we must face the truth, in this debacle is the ethnic dimension that it has again thrown up. Some watchers have also suggested a religious dimension inclusive. We have seen it in similar shades in the past. When Umaru Musa Yar’adua died, we saw the tensions that arose, the throes of which this nation is still suffering one way or the other; and then the fallout of that demise in Kaduna state where the ascension of the then governor, Namadi Sambo, to the position of Vice President and the discomfort – or even bile – that the Late Yakowa’s having to assume governorship generated in some quarters. The unfortunate accident of Danbaba Suntai of Taraba is another case in point and it cannot be completely ruled out that that development is one of the factors still impacting on the present governorship election quagmire in that state. The microcosm of the Nigerian socio-ethnic reality has moved to Kogi State, only with a different variable, being the fate of a joint ticket right into voting in the event of the demise of the principal. How another conundrum may pop up in Benue State tomorrow, where the Tiv would not seem to countenance an Idoma governor, is what none can say, for none ever envisaged this scenario in the confluence state.
No doubt in Kogi State the Igalas have appeared to arrogate as birthright to themselves the position of governor and they do not make any pretense about that. If Faleke had been an Igala man, this situation would not have been much a problem; the decibel of the debate would not have been as high. But he is not. And, in Nigeria, wherever a particular ethnic group finds itself in the majority it doesn’t quite give a hoot about the other or others. It is a zero sum game.
But why is it that every ethnic group in Nigeria appears to be an oppressor unless it does not get the space? It may be attributed to an ingrained distrust brought about by successive misrule, injustice due to impunity and the disregard for due process and merit. Every tribe therefore assumes that “our man must be there”, further deepening the vicious cycle. But the fact remains that even though “their man” has been there, “their” lot has never been any better. How better than the rest of Nigerians is the Ijaw or the Hausa or the Yoruba man? How really better than the Idoma man is the Tiv man in Benue State? How better than the rest of the Kogites is the Igala man?
The buck now rests with the APC as a party to begin to stir this nation away from these turbulent waters, using Kogi as a metaphor. A major albatross on the PDP when it held sway was the perceived injustice meted by the party and the stench of impunity which rose to the high heavens. The APC upstage the PDP as ruling party on the mantra of change. It is going to be a choice between making Faleke to principally bear the ticket of the party for the rest of the election and bringing another Igala man in Audu’s place. The consensus seems to be that the APC will lose with Faleke; even the PDP believes it will win in such a situation which appears to be why Gov Wada is protesting INEC’s blanket decision that APC presents another candidate in Audu’s place. It will be tempting for the APC to bring an Igala candidate just because they would assuredly want to win the election, but they would miss the opportunity to put it on record that every Nigerian, regardless of ethnicity, is qualified to be voted if he or she meets the laid down requirements. This, in the long run, is the direction a party that wants to change Nigeria should go.
Alas, it’s not easy being a ruling party.
 

BLUEPRINT Newspaper; Thurs Nov. 26, 2015

PDP’s Mia Culpa: Will this Phoenix Live Again?



PDP’s Mia Culpa: Will this Phoenix Live Again?
A group of PDP leaders assembled, two days ago ahead of the party’s national conference due to hold today, and issued what appears to be unreserved apologies to Nigerians for what it referred to as “error of the past sixteen years.”
According to High Chief Raymond Dokpesi, the chairman of the planning committee of the national conference, “as human beings,” he said, “we must have made mistakes and we could not meet the expectations of Nigerians, for that we tender an unreserved apology.” He went on to submit that “make no mistake, PDP is aware that there were errors made along the way.”
The statement “mia culpa”, which means “I am guilty”, and by extension “I am sorry”, has never, from all ages, ceased to break the heart hardened by injury, when such a confession is made with a contrite heart. The contrition, therefore, that can give this confession of the PDP any modicum of authenticity will come when Nigerians begin to see how they organize their party from the ashes of the 2015 electoral defeat into a formidable opposition and not just a clanging cymbal. The remnants of the PDP structures are still scattered across wards in the 774 local government areas of the federation and they can still be picked up. In doing so, the party must, however, not forget that its greatest undoing as a political institution was impunity. That monster must be killed, cremated and the ashes scattered over the Atlantic Ocean.
In setting into motion the machinery of reinvention, the party has said that it will put the Nigerian youth at the centre stage. Therefore, over fifty percent of delegates to today’s conference are youths drawn from all local governments in the country. Hear Dokpesi: “we have decided that 774 youth below the age of 35, who must have a university degree or equivalent, are delegates to the conference.” He added that another batch of females who are within that stated age bracket was invited from all the LGAs. This is a step in the right direction; moreover, Canada has just sworn in a forty-three year old prime minister.
This is the kind of thing that happens when there is healthy competition in any space; the loser takes a trip into his deepest recesses, reflects and sees where he must have gone wrong and seeks to make corrections. For those who have followed this column long enough, they will recall that I repeatedly said that, aside other reasons here or there, the PDP needed to lose the 2015 elections because they had long slipped into the pit of lethargy and were incapable of pulling themselves out without the help of a loss.
In the light of all of this, if the APC makes the mistake of underestimating the PDP, it will not know what hit it by 2019. PDP has started early in the day and all it needs is to keep the momentum and never lose focus in reinventing and rebuilding. It will be in the informed interest of the APC to make sure that it begins to deliver on good governance and its electoral promises right now. Any time wasting will be ghastly. Nigerians have become impatient, coupled with the fact that they have been emboldened by their new found electoral confidence. It is going to be a matter of delivery of the goods or nothing: no amount of sentimentalism will save a non-performing government. It did not save the PDP in spite of all that the party whipped; it will not save the APC in 2019.
To round this piece off, however, I sense a problem with the PDP’s apologies. It appears to rank its failure to cede power to the north, 2010-2011, as chief of its errors. That makes me uncomfortable. In spite of the infraction, I believe that if the party had paid heed to good governance and eschewed the wanton impunity, corruption and profligacy that characterized its sixteen years in power, Nigerians – even the so called aggrieved north – would have overlooked whatever and given the PDP a clean bill of passage.
What this simply means is that above whatever “gentleman” understanding and agreement any party will have that is immaterial to our constitution, conscientiousness to governance and the needs of the Nigerian state and her masses is what is important. The PDP, if it must resonate again, must note that as its primary objective. The APC too will surely profit from that awareness.
The rest is left to Nigerians. We must be vigilant and never forget the power in our thumb.


BLUEPRINT Newspaper; Thur Nov. 11, 2015

The Nigerian State and the many Ishaya Adamu Maiyaki’s



The Nigerian State and the many Ishaya Adamu Maiyaki’s

Ishaya Adamu Maiyaki (aka Nagode) was buried yesterday at the cemetery in Ungwar Boro, a suburb on the southern end of Kaduna metropolis.
He met his sudden death on Sunday, the 1st of October, at about 8:45pm. He had closed from work, at Grand Motel in Barnawa where he worked as a janitor, that night and picked a bus going to Sabon Tasha from the bridge by Danbo International School junction, just before the First Bank Kakuri roundabout. He alighted at the Tati Motel bus-stop in Sabo and probably thought to walk the rest of his way home at Ungwar Boro, or perhaps walk to a point convenient enough for him to pick a tricycle to commute the short distance. We would never know. But no sooner than he began moving, a car came from behind and shoveled him off the ground, sending him swirling in the air before landing on the tarmac, crashing his left temple on a kerb. He died instantly. His remains were deposited that night at the St Gerard’s Catholic Hospital mortuary.
The car that hit Ishaya was driven by a group of youngsters, high on alcohol and God-knows-what other drugs. They were what you may refer to as a real and present danger on our roads to other road users. To boot, by the following day, Monday afternoon, when Ishaya’s relatives went to dig his grave, those same youngsters were spotted in the cemetery premises “highing” away on marijuana and other stuff no one can tell. They were unremorseful. They were not arrested even though the police impounded their vehicle.
I had known Ishaya all my life. We all lived and grew up in the same quarter, the Sabon Gari end of Tudu Wada, Kaduna. They lived on Manchock Street, their house an eye view from the famous Kwanar Mai-shayi. He was older than I. He earned the nickname “Nagode” from his footballing days in the Eighties while he was playing for his school team, Maimuna Gwarzo Government Day Secondary School, Tudun Wada, from where he finished in 1984. He was a skillful and pacey left winger and whenever any of his teammates laid a very good pass his way, he screamed “Nagode!”, hence earning the sobriquet. He also played for the local amateur team, Amo, which later became junior UNTL, and participated in state amateur leagues. He was also the Choirmaster of his Church, Hossana Baptist Church, down their Manchock Street home at that time.
The fact, and truth, is that Ishaya is one of the very many ordinary Nigerians that die every day on our roads without the Nigerian state paying any heed. If one is availed with statistics of people that die annually in road mishaps – if many of those be referred to as mishaps – one will realize that they probably far outstrip the number of persons being killed by Boko Haram. It is no doubt good and needful that the state fights any insurgency to a stop, but is it only when people die in insurgencies that the state may stand up and fight for them?
As mentioned earlier, those stoned young men that killed Ishaya are walking free, and going about further abusing substances as usual, without being arrested much less prosecuted. This is despite the fact that there is usually a good level of police presence in that area. All the police can do is to impound the vehicle, as if the vehicle drove itself.
Whenever there is a plane crash we see investigations being carried out to the extent of bringing in foreign experts to help. That is when we get to know the names of the victims of crashes. That is when the Nigerian state refers to her deceased citizens by name. Can’t the state know her citizens by name in whatever circumstances? What does it take for the state to ensure that none of its citizens is left on the margins of society?
This government got elected using the change mantra. Things have for long gone adrift in the country. Indeed things must change and be quickly seen to be changing. All that needs being done is to make sure that organs of government charged with protecting Nigerians work. There is no reason why the police should not perform as basic a duty as arresting and prosecuting drunk murderers on our roads. What real investigation do they need to carry out before doing that?
Nigeria is one country where roads are built without walk-ways for pedestrians. Our cities keep getting crowded with both human and vehicular traffic, yet roads are being built without such facilities. City road are built without street lights, making them unsafe and insecure at night. Such little infrastructural provisions and systemic purgation are all that are required to begin to capture vast Nigerians in the social net, and they do not cost anywhere near waging campaigns against insurgencies, which are in themselves products of, amongst other things, people perceiving of being left behind by the state.
At 48 years of age, Ishaya left behind his wife and three children. He shall be greatly missed. May his soul rest in perfect peace; and may the Lord grant his family the fortitude to bear the loss.

BLUEPRINT Newspaper; Thur Nov. 5, 2015