Thursday, 16 October 2014

Corruption Must Not Kill Nigeria



Corruption Must Not Kill Nigeria
Sometime a little over two years ago in Kaduna, the Kukah Centre, then known as the Centre for Faith and Public Policy, had, as guest at one of its roundtables the second republic governor of Kaduna state, Alh Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa. The subject of discussion was the whole issue of a confab and northern Nigeria; that was when the debate about whether or not to hold a confab to iron out some issues about the Nigerian nationhood journey was raging on. At that time, there were strident calls mostly from the south, especially the South-West, for a conference with equal suspicion from the north and, hence, reticence. The thinking among many northern elements at the time was that those calling for the confab were pursuing a hidden agenda that will lead to the disintegration of the country. Balarabe Musa was probably the lone northerner that joined voices with southerners in the pro-confab calls; therefore, he was always seen at fora in Lagos and other such places where the Wole Soyinkas and other proponents converged to reiterate their position.
The reason for inviting the elder statesman as speaker to the roundtable was for him to share his thoughts with others on the confab thing; especially being a visible northerner in the PRONACO circles. He did justice to the subject, especially as it pertained to his position in support of a confab. During time for questions and answers, someone raised the question bugging many quarters in the north as to whether a confab was not a hidden and calculated agenda to break up Nigeria, especially in the light of the threats that the Boko Haram sect had come to pose to the nation. Balarabe Musa’s response to the question was most illuminating, and that is the crux of this piece today. He said that there is no insurrection, be it Boko Haram or the Niger-Delta militancy or even the OPC thing, has the capacity to break up the country, and he marshaled his argument very poignantly. He ended up saying, in very emphatic terms, that the only thing capable of disintegrating this entity called Nigeria is nothing but CORRUPTION.
With the declaration last year May of emergency rule in the three states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe, Nigeria effectively declared war on the Boko Haram insurgents. At the beginning, very good progress seemed to have been recorded with much encomiums showered on the armed forces of the nation, however, things suddenly began to deteriorate again and it now seems as though the military has not even gone in there yet, given the spate and deadliness of the group’s attack. It has now come out in the open that elements in the high command of the military are in connivance with the insurgents and it is clear that is not simply for reasons of ideology but more for personal and financial gains.
Before now, Nigerians would only measuredly talk of corruption in the military either because of ignorance of the reality on ground or because of some unspoken fear that harm could come on them opening ugly cans. Whatever the situation, clearly, the masquerade is being unmasked and people now talk about it very much in the open and the situation of the military is such a travesty. The international community has come into it in the most humiliating of manners for the nation as a whole. The military has had no choice but to be seen to be dealing with corruption within its ranks, probably out of no other way out but to save face. Some Generals are now facing court-marshal.
The prayer is that this becomes a turning point in the life of this nation and that the insurgency is overcome. But a big question remains how civil-military relations will pan out after the foreign troops leave. Surely that hallowed regard for them has been depleted and no one can run away from that. The hope is that the military will see the need not just to purge itself of the huge blight but to be seen to do that; and this should not be done simply because of the global searchlight presently on the nation but as a matter of necessity, if not for any reason, to restore themselves to back to dignity.
But surely, corruption is breaking this country up.


Published on BLUEPRINT Newspaper; June 5, 2014

The Cost of Identity Politics



The Cost of Identity Politics
Today is Democracy Day, but I shall not dwell on it here as many other commentators will surely do justice to the subject. I will instead discuss on the cost of politics being played along the lines of identities like ethnicity, religion and so on. The trend is quite rife in Nigeria and we shall demonstrate its impact on our national life, with the handling of the Chibok abduction as an example. After the girls were abducted, the natural expectation is that every relevant – I say relevant – information about the abductees be released. Such briefing would not be out of place.
But nothing was released other than the fact that they had been kidnapped; and the simple reason for the non-information is because of their presumed identity as Muslims – at least that much the President himself said in his media chat as noted in my last piece. Kindly note that by this time, whether anybody likes it or not, the president is directly in charge of security in Borno State, as with Yobe and Adamawa, because of the state of emergency declared on them and, therefore, any and everything concerning the security of those states is under the direct purview of the president. But the president, with all the powers of his office, did not provide any such information and in fact never quite made any comment on the abduction until after almost three weeks.
Yet again, in spite of the emergency rule in Borno, even if for the simple reason of morality, the state governor, Alh Kashim Shettima, had and still has a responsibility to his people because it is him that they voted as their governor and he still is the governor with administrative powers in the state. He also has a responsibility to support the president in the restoration of peace and stability in his state. And by the virtue of his expected better understanding of and closeness to his people and their diversities as it were, it also behooves on him to support with every piece of information that will lead to the recovery of those girls and the amelioration of the general security of the state. Therefore he could have provided their details even if unsolicited. But for whatever reason he did not.
In the face of these failures at these two levels, it is only natural that people find a way of letting their voices out and their cries heard if they are in pain of any sort. Chibok is predominantly a Christian population as with the south of Borno State in general. If the Nigerian state and Borno State which have the constitutional responsibility of listening to and addressing their distress fail to do so they would turn to other means to let their voice out. They have an identity as Christian and under this identity, the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) came to the rescue: CAN at least gave a voice to their cry by compiling the names of their missing children and presenting them to the whole world. Uncomfortable as the action of CAN appears, it is legitimate.
So then one asks the question: why did Gov Shettima fail to, in his own capacity, produce as little as a list of the abducted girls? Is it simply because of the fact that the emergency rule has effectively stripped him of the role of “Chief Security Officer” of his state? Or did he fall victim of the false thought that, because a crime has a certain identity colouration, information should be withheld – in the name of information management – so as to avoid a backlash or reprisal elsewhere? But it is true that what has brought these backlashes and reprisals is very much because leaders in the past have failed to dispense justice. Leaders, and people in general, think that it is a given that if Muslims kill Christians or vice versa, there will certainly be reprisals or backlash of sorts, but where justice and rule of law reign, that is not true.
Let us look at the converse picture. Everybody now knows that Boko Haram has gone maniacal; they bomb market places and motor parks where innocent people of all persuasions and identities converge. Therefore if Gov Shettima himself had come out with a list of the Chibok girls as soon as the abduction happened, with a call to the FG to go for them, he would have received a hero’s applause because the list would shown the fact that most of the girls are Christian; and he being a Muslim, in spite of Boko Haram putting on an Islamic toga, ready to fight for all of his citizens is a good signal of his commitment to justice and equality for all. He would have won the confidence of the Christians in his state. CAN would not have had to take it upon themselves to present to the world any list. He would have begun to challenge the theory in some quarters that Boko Haram is a grand design by the Muslim north, or even Islam, against Christian elements in Nigeria or Christianity. He would have given the Muslim community an opportunity to be spared of the bad image Boko Haram and their ilk are giving to Islam. But the governor failed, on the moral count, to take advantage of a good opportunity.
The long and short of this is that identity politics ruins any society and the best way to deal with it is with good governance, equality before the law, equity to all citizens and the prompt and transparent dispensation of justice t all times. Otherwise it is a lose-lose situation both for the ones that have the upper hand and those that have the lower.
 


Published on BLUEPRINT Newspaper; May 29, 2014

Identity Albatross and the Dearth of Courage



Identity Albatross and the Dearth of Courage
During the last presidential media chat, when the issue of the over two hundred and seventy abducted Chibok girls came up, the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (GEJ) remarked to the effect that upon the occurrence of the kidnap, he requested to be furnished with the names and pictures of the victims. He was, however, told that because of their Muslim background most of them would not ordinarily have their faces shown, hence pictures taken. He said he would later learn from a certain list that most of them, about 80 percent, were infact Christian. To the best of public knowledge, the list that came out which the President probably referred to was made available by the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) as presented by Evangelist Mathew Owojaiye, a Kaduna based northern Christian leader. It is interesting to note that we are talking about a group of girls kidnapped from a school while sitting for the West African Examination Council (WAEC) examination: this means that the school should ordinarily have their records, including passport photographs, and that since they are WAEC candidates, WAEC should equally have their most current identity records. The president, however, took the explanation he was given, as he himself indicated, inspite of the fact that, to an ordinary onlooker, he only had to request for all the 2014 registered candidates of Government Secondary School, Chibok – Borno State, from WAEC headquarters in Abuja. As it stands, nobody knows of, neither did the president in his media chat allude to, any other list than the one made available by CAN as at the time of the chat with him. In other words, facts were not made available, and were not demanded for, for reasons of identity.
This piece is not about the administrative decisions taken by the president, and their quality, concerning information about the abductees: it is more about the reality that has become the lot our national life in Nigeria regarding the diverse identities that people this country and how they have affected the way it is and has been run for a while now. In the face of the end of the Cold War with the imminent collapse of the Soviet Union and Communism, Samuel P. Huntington, in his 1992 American Enterprise Institute lecture titled the Clash of Civilizations, advanced the theory that people’s cultural and religious identities will be the primary source of conflict in the post-Cold War era. This has proven to be true as politics today is defined in terms of identity almost globally. In the Middle East, it is Israelis versus the Palestinians, Shiites versus Sunnis; in Iraq it is Shiites versus Sunnis, Kurd versus Arabs; in India it is the Hindus versus the Muslims; in Myanmar, Malaysia and Indonesia it is the Buddhists versus the Muslims; in Europe it is the locals versus the immigrants. There is also the fact that there is generally a contestation between Islam and secularism – or secularity, depending on who is speaking on what. All of these different identities have defined modern day politics around the world with very dire consequences and with huge costs to lives and property.
Identity politics and contestations are not new to Nigeria, and the world at large. In what is today known as Northern Nigeria, the pre-Western colonial times were characterized by serious identity contestations between the Muslims of particularly the Sokoto Caliphate and the many smaller animist populations. It continued into the colonial era until the dawn of independence when the north, under the charismatic leadership of Sir Ahmadu Bello, had to close ranks in order to confront the south in the oncoming national elections. New identity lines emerged along regions through to post-independence period upon which a brutal thirty-month civil war was fought. Lately, these regional political identities have again emerged very strongly – if they really ever blurred at all.
Northern Nigeria, from the 1980s, has witnessed a steady rise in identity political contestations along religious lines. With time this has mutated along indigene-settler identity lines, without losing the religion factor, and all of these have sparked off violent conflicts that have continually deepened the faultlines to precipitous points.
Unfortunately, many northern leaders, instead of courageously finding means to positively deal with the dangerous trajectory, have actually taken advantage of it for personal political gratification. Because of this, reports of several commissions set up to look into some of the various crises in the north have been swept under the carpets and this has further worsened the situation as justice has not been seen to have been done or truth pursued which will form the basis for reconciliation and forgiveness. People still harbour bitterness over such crises as the Kafanchan riots of 1987, the Zangon Kataf crisis of 1992, the many Tafawa Balewa crises, the Reinhard Bonnke motivated killings to mention but a few; all of these because of the lack of courage to rock the identity boat.
The advent of the fourth republic, while holding within it a lot of promise, also carried with it its own share of uncertainties which include the identity baggage and conundrum, also influenced by global events. It was therefore not surprising that votes were canvassed for and won on the basis of such identities as we saw in Zamfara State where Ahmed Sani became governor on the promise of instituting Shari’a in the State if elected. Though already elected, many other northern governors fell into the fray of Sharianization just to gain political mileage, the consequences of which became very dire and further precipitated Nigeria’s nationhood journey. By the way, because of the intransigent flaw that has characterized successive elections in the country, even declared winners have found themselves left with no choice but to always compromise in order to win some legitimacy; therefore they have found themselves abysmally bereft of the incentive needed to address issues and face governance forthrightly, especially as they border on the spikes of identity, hence driving society further into the trenches of sectarianism.
But never, perhaps, in the life of this country has identity politics taken this gladiatorial centre stage at the national level like now. It is made even worse by the fact that we are currently facing a vicious insurgency and, as a nation, we have found it almost impossible to deconstruct the simplest problem because of our thick identity veils through which everything has come to be viewed. A healthy debate appears to no longer be possible as one runs the risk of either offending “one’s side” or the “other side” as one is construed not on the merits of one’s argument but on what identity side one belongs to.
It is against this background that, when comments such as those of GEJ on the facts about the Chibok girls are considered – facts which are supposed to serve in strategizing for the recovery of the girls – one cannot help but conclude that Nigeria has not been very blessed with courageous leadership on the whole. This has been the reason why we have not had accurate census results; this has been the reason why we have not been able to adequately police our borders; this has been the reason why our civil service, which is supposed to be the fulcrum of growth and development, has continually stood in the way of anything that looks like progress due to the lack of courage to purge it. One can go on and on. This has been the reason why we cannot come up with facts and figures on virtually anything, no matter how simple and innocuous, in order to guide public policy formulation.
How can the Commander-in-Chief claim that he was told that he could not have the pictures of almost three hundred abducted girls, sitting for a trans-national examination, on account of religion and then he lets it go? Whose boat is the C-in-C afraid of rocking in this situation of insurgency? Or is he cashing in on some identity window that the situation and the yarn must have provided him? This is not healthy for a nation in such dire reality as Nigeria.
We crave for bold and courageous leadership now more than ever at all levels of government and society: leadership that will never hide behind or cower before any identity.


Published on NIGERIAN NEWSDAY; May 2014

Achaba Ban in Kaduna State



Achaba Ban in Kaduna State
On May 7, 2014, the Governor of Kaduna State, Alh Mukhtar Ramalan Yero, signed into law a bill banning the use of motorbikes for commercial commuter services, popularly known as Achaba, in three major cities of the state namely: Kaduna, Zaria and Kafanchan. The law will take effect on May 21, 2014. For many onlookers, it was a rare show of courage on the part of the state government and, very specifically, Gov Yero himself.
The idea of the ban was mooted much earlier on, during the ebbing days of the late Gov Patrick Ibrahim Yakowa. The simple reason behind the policy was security. The Achaba riders had become a major and present risk to security in the state. With the rise of terrorism in the north, a lot of such acts were being perpetrated on so called commercial bikes. Also, the state experienced horde of commercial motorcyclists who trooped into the state, having been banned from virtually all neighboring cities and states. The effect of that turned out to be not just the sheer volume of lawless bikers on the streets, but many young and energetic men without address rendering transportation services in the city. It was of course not in doubt that most of these Achaba riders, probably over sixty-five percent of them, were not originally from or based in Kaduna state and many never really cared to take up meaningful accommodation, which will demonstrate that they were ready to live in and have proper stakes in the state. Therefore a lot of them slept in the open air, in mosques, in filling stations and within the precincts of shopping plazas around the city. The implication of this is that anything could go wrong, given such a huge army that has nothing to lose and can move on to the next available location without blinking. It even got to the point that these “homeless” commercial bikers allegedly became targets of extortion by errant men of the police force to the point that some resistance of sorts was beginning to brew among the former, which portended grave consequences.
Sometime early last year after Yero became governor, the immediate past Commissioner of Information in the state, Hon Sa’idu Adamu, in a briefing after a state executive council meeting, mentioned the proposed ban as part of the issues discussed. The reaction was deafening against the move from a vocal section of the population within the state, which was quite surprising given the security reality in the state and the north. The state government was stampeded into eating her words, claiming that the commissioner actually went ahead of himself on the issue. This particular recanting by the Yero administration, by the way, gave some quarters in the state the balls that his is a weak government which can always be intimidated in the event of any policy they consider unfavourable: and we have seen such muscles flexed.
Of course the security situation in the country, especially the north, has become more and more dire and it has become clear to the Kaduna state government that, no matter how much it wants to remain politically correct, it has to take some difficult decisions and the ban on Achaba is one of such. While many people have applauded Yero and his government for the courage in this direction and are ready to make the sacrifice needed to better secure our own part of northern Nigeria, there are others who, like before, have harangued the government. They claim that some people are being denied a source of livelihood by that law. True, some people will lose livelihood as a result of the ban but an example will suffice here. War, as bad as it is, provides some people with legitimate means of livelihood, not to mention the illegitimate, and examples abound in Nigeria to this effect. Does that mean that war should continue, or that effort should not be made to stop it, simply because it provides food for some people? By the way can anybody really claim that being an Achaba rider is a long term means of livelihood? On another count, should we continue to wallow in uncouth systems and not seek to progress and modernize as a society simply because people feed from the subsisting disorder?
Right now the commercial bike union in the state, along with Comrade Shehu Sani’s Civil Rights Congress, has taken the state government to court, the outcome remains to be seen. Some of the Achaba boys have started leaving the state in search of other operations areas. Gov Yero himself has promised more tricycles, in addition to the 700 others including cabs and buses already provided since last year, to palliate the immediate inconveniences brought about by the new law. He has also promised more job opportunities in addition to earlier interventions under the SURE-P scheme. He must keep his promises.


Published on BLUEPRINT Newspaper; May 15, 2014